
The common line used by advocates of housing affordability has been that the solution lies in “free markets”. Yet this "free market" solution does not address the fundamental problem which is really a political one.
This true fundamental problem is particularly evident here in Britain, the leader in house price inflation and housing financial bubbles since the 1970s. In their recent report Global capital markets, the McKinsey Global Institute has confirmed what has been shown in recent Demographia surveys.
The root of this problem lies with an elite agenda that is highly ideological. The ideology at work is environmentalism, making a moral virtue of the retreat of political and commercial elites from the industrial production of housing.

The preference is for interest payments on a fund of mortgage debt rather than the effort of turning a profit from development, let alone construction. Professionals like estate agents, planners, architects, and bankers are certainly in collusion with that elite ideology.
That is not to say there is a conspiracy to plan a housing bubble. That is too crude. There is clearly regulation and legislation. On 24 November 2009 the Housing Minister John Healey confirmed that Britain will be the first country in the world to require zero carbon homes as a matter of law from 2016. Britain is the world leader in green ideology.
John Healey
All of the newly built British housing will have much better insulated walls, windows, roofs and floors. The clear aim of the government is to keep reducing the energy consumption of all new homes to be measured in kilowatt-hours per square metre of floor area per year. New Labour hope to make it law that total energy consumption is no more than 46 kWh/m2/year for semi-detached and detached homes, and then no more than 39 kWh/m2/year for all other homes. The energy efficiency standards will be applied from 2016, subject to yet another consultation on the Code for Sustainable Homes, announced at the end of 2006, and technically published for use on a voluntary basis in 2007. The building regulations get revised in 2010, 2013, and 2016 leading to this legal requirement for maximum energy consumption in all new homes.

Healey says that "zero carbon" is a concept that will apply to a new home at the "point of build". 'We are not going to regulate through this policy how occupants live in them,' he says. However the Code for Sustainable Homes assumes patterns of behaviour. Environmentalists within and without government will argue that behaviour needs to change. They will be suggesting all sorts of intrusions into daily life.
British environmentalism couldn't be more ideological, and more of a barrier to the production of affordable housing. The planning system has been “greened”. The mood is against development, and planning approvals for new land for new housing are hard to obtain. The zero carbon requirement will only apply to around the 100,000 new homes that will be built annually, while the existing stock is around 26 million homes. Healey is also going to regulate existing housing, and is not just looking at the residential sector.
I am sure politicians like Healey don't want their pursuit of "zero carbon" buildings to mean that fewer buildings are built. I am sure there are some environmentalists who will be pleased that building activity is in decline. The logic of green thinking entails that the most energy efficient thing to do is not to build more buildings at all.
It is green not to build new homes to meet demographic demand. Let people modify their behaviour, say the environmentalists, and live together in as much of the existing stock as can be refurbished. It also happens that the existing stock is highly mortgaged, and the vast majority doesn’t want their homes to fall in value. An indefinite policy of green refurbishment of the homes that already exist and a future of house price inflation are highly compatible. That suits the mortgage lenders and the government. The commitment to "zero carbon" allows government to appear virtuous in its legislation for the new build sector.
This suits the financial markets as well, since it guarantees house price inflation by making it difficult to meet the demographic demand for homes. Environmentalism offers more and more reasons not to build. Green thinking ensures that house price inflation can be sustained through a bubble, and projected beyond the bursting of that period of financialisation into the next.
As capitalism ”greens” itself, capitalists continue to profit, while not meeting the fundamental demands of the people for housing. But simply restoring “the free market” will not solve the problem. In an old industrial country like Britain, there are ever more people who don't earn enough to buy a home even at the "affordable" price of two and a half times their gross annual household income, which is the Demographia measure of affordability.
This reality has a great appeal to what Robert Bruegmann refers to as “the incumbents club” – established homeowners, increasingly older, and those with inherited money. That majority want homes to be an appreciating asset, not a depreciating utility, like a pair of trousers, or a car. They want their home to appreciate in value, and they want to be green. Most people want to be greener and better off.
Being anti-development for green reasons allows the incumbents to preserve their wealth, while making mundane opposition to new house building, or the attempt to constrain "sprawl", seem virtuous. People don't wake up thinking that they will inflate the value of their home by resisting sprawl in principle. Instead they oppose new development in the mistaken belief that Climate Change is caused by sprawling development. It is common for people to think that sprawl is bad for the planet, even while living, mostly with a mistaken sense of guilt, in the sprawl.
By hoping for a "free market" solution to the problem of unaffordability, Hugh Pavletich of Demographia assumes that it is politicians, businessmen, and professionals who have distorted the market for reasons of narrow and immediate self-interest. Yet that is not how people think: they believe their environmentalism is morally above self-interest. They are saving the planet in their minds by blocking new building, and by their opposition to sprawl. The incumbents’ club members can feel virtuous at little cost to themselves and don’t worry too much about house price inflation. Of course there is no actual Club. There is no conspiracy. Homeowners simply share a self-interest in raising the value of their home, and tend to also want to show how selflessly green they are.
This all has had the effect of making the lending of mortgages on inflated land values a much larger business than the construction of homes. No-one planned to cause a sequence of bubbles, but Britain's desperate social dependence on sustained house price inflation can't be brought to an end easily.
The only way to stop national or regional housing bubbles recurring is the establishment of the freedom for everyone to build a home on cheap agricultural land without any government or professional hindrance except in matters of technical building regulations. Fire should not spread, and buildings should not fall down. But even building regulations can become ideological rather than technical. The British building regulations, as Healey has made clear, will also push energy efficiency standards to illogical extremes of peak performance in an attempt to address Climate Change. Even while the supply of new homes reduces
The political freedom to build wouldn't be a "free market" because not everyone is able to raise the finance to buy cheap land and pay for construction. The idea of a "free market" is a long running ideological myth. But the universal freedom to build would mean people are free to attempt to raise the finance to buy land and build.
More importantly, the freedom to build would undermine the financialisation of the housing market. If everyone was free to build on cheap land the incumbents’ club would have to compare the value of their existing home to the cost of building a new one. Mortgage lenders would not be able to lend over the cost of construction unless they felt secure in doing so. The security of the 1947 Town and Country Planning Act would be removed for financiers. Government, the finance system, planners, or the incumbents’ club will be ideologically opposed to that for a host of environmental reasons. Britains mostly want to be greener but with renewed house price inflation, while no-one wants to make an argument explicitly for un-affordability. This may be confused and deluded, but it is an ideology promoted by the British government.
However, ideas can be challenged and changed. One step is to understand that there is no "free market" housing solution. Getting rid of the 1947 denial of the freedom to build doesn’t mean an end to planning. Homes will still need to be planned, just as they were before 1947. But planners will not have the power to stop people from building. There is a need to politically end the environmentalist denial of the freedom to build in an industrial democracy. With a population free to build the finance system would be more interested in cheapening new construction on lower cost land, and not preoccupied with securing the financialisation of periodic but persistent house price inflation. A freedom to build is very much not a right to a home. It is a freedom from the obstructions of planners, with the weight of government legislation behind them. A freedom that is denied to protect the environment, a denial that sustains house price inflation.
The market is not capable of being a “free market”. Capitalism is a system of control by political and commercial elites, and their professional employees. British capitalists tend to be less interested in industry, which is held to have caused Climate Change, and more interested in finance these days. What is precisely missing in the face of the morally selfless capitalist ideology of environmentalism is an ideology in favour of raising the productive capacity of the construction industry based on a universal sense of immediate and material self-interest. Getting rid of the 1947 planning legislation is a limited attempt to reconnect house building with the cost of construction and household incomes by removing the means by which house price inflation is sustained. Homes would be more of a utility than an investment in Britain, and we would cease to be world leaders in housing based financial bubbles.
To do that requires us to oppose those who would be world leaders in the environmental ideology that industrial production is a problem for the planet. In Britain we need to set people free to build housing to the best of their abilities within a capitalist planning system stripped of the legal powers it gained in 1947. Innovative in their day, British planning now only sustains housing bubbles and restricts people’s opportunity for decent housing.
Ian Abley, Project Manager for audacity, an experienced site Architect, and a Research Engineer at the Centre for Innovative and Collaborative Engineering, Loughborough University. He is co-author of Why is construction so backward? (2004) and co-editor of Manmade Modular Megastructures
. (2006) He is planning 250 new British towns.







The way the house price inflation
The way the house price inflation has grown up in Britain, it actually shows us that how tougher it has became for the younger generation to buy a house for them. The Green ideology is a great thing to adopt with but people need to have the freedom to built their own house to the best of their capabilities. To adopt the green ideology if we fall short of our capability how in the earth we can create new houses. If still they are planning to adopt it then they should also declare some sort of subsidy to create greener houses since the cost to install a green house is much higher.
Through Demographia you have
Through Demographia you have sought to measure affordability in housing markets using the following rule:
'Households should not spend any more than three times their gross annual household income to house themselves, and importantly, not load themselves up with any more than two and a half times their gross annual household income in mortgage debt.
Marta K
Thanks for sharing
Thanks for sharing your great informative post. The global financial meltdown is over and the real estate market is on a boom again. Your graphical representation, based on statistics, supports the same fact. Thanks again for making us aware about the latest real estate trends.
Ian, this is what I am saying now
Ian, just so you know how much I respect your argument; THIS is what I have started saying now on Interest.Co.Nz
http://www.interest.co.nz/ratesblog/index.php/2010/01/04/eight-thousand-...
".....Jimmybob, if you haven't read Robert Bruegmann's "The Housing Bubble and the Boomer Generation", you would find it extremely interesting. He calls what has happened with house prices, "The biggest intergenerational wealth transfer in history".
http://www.newgeography.com/content/00452-the-housing-bubble-and-boomer-...
The underlying cause of all this, is urban limits being unnecessarily restrictive, so that property developers have to take part in a bidding war for the available land, and /or finance ownership of it for years before they actually do the development. This is why council planners can say they release "enough" land to satisfy growth, yet prices are far too expensive.
$250K for a section is racketeering, given historical norms and the cost of farmland just over the urban limit. In the USA, there are still thousands of jurisdictions with loose enough urban limits, that the price of sections relates directly to that of farmland, plus development costs, plus a fair profit. The comparison with the prices in urban limit regimes like NZ and California, is around ten to twenty times. Enough has been written on this by Hugh Pavletich, Arthur Grimes, Don Brash and numerous overseas authors.
Ian Abley of "AudaCity" in the UK, is actually attempting to get an "illegal settlement" movement underway in protest against all this, having lost patience for political-legal reforms that will not happen because of incumbency. I must admit a good deal of sympathy for this approach. Imagine a well publicised movement presenting the prospect of thousands of young people getting $5,000 sections outside the urban limits, which cost could go up by $10,000 or $20,000 if services were provided. The $200,000 plus involved in the status quo, is almost ENTIRELY a "planning tax" or rather, the result of a "cap and trade scheme" in urban land......"
http://www.newgeography.com/content/001261-there-no-free-market-housing-...
Gradual Solution the best
Appreciate the really valuable work you do, Hugh. I think Ian is right about the main political obstacle being the effect of development liberalisation on existing home owners equity, and the possibility of an economic crash being triggered by a drop in property values that would have to come. That is why I suggest that this is done gradually and in tandem with a few years of inflationary monetary policy.
In any case, governments need to realise that the status quo is only contributing to ongoing malinvestment, housing shortages and underemployed construction capital and labour; and depression of sorely needed economic growth; and that even worse crashes will surely result, culminating in the final, unmanageable one that Ludwig Von Mises in particular warned would be the ultimate consequence of monetary inflation and the setting up of new bubbles in response to every recession. The fact that the bubbles now occur in land values as well as in shares and financial instruments, make them many times more destructive. It is a wonder that the British economy has lasted as long as it has since 1947.
One counter-advantage of reform that brings land prices down and reduces home-owner equity, is that at least construction capital and labour will be employed again and all sorts of economic positives will flow on, including the ease of new business startups in cheap premises; which just happens to be the main source of all economic growth. Some gifted political salesmanship could well get this message across to the public. David Lange in his prime could certainly have done it if he wanted to.
I have personally been trying to interest specific local governments in land reform, as there would be huge competitive advantages to be gained for them over the non-reforming regions. Local governments have the authority to do this without coercion from central government. I would very much like to see a properly done presentation taken on the road around local authorities, both to the elected representatives and the planners, many of whom may merely need exposure to facts for the first time.
In that T.J. Rogers open letter I linked to above, he refers to some colloquial business acronyms in use in the USA: "ABC" stands for "Anywhere But California"; "GTT" stands for "Gone To Texas". There is absolutely no reason that the North of England could not one day set itself up as Britain's Texas, if they did the reforms and the rest of Britain did not.
That paper on California referred to by Hugh is yet another useful one on this subject; yet the USA's most influential analysts remain, so far, dead from the neck upwards on this issue. (Thomas Sowell in particular should be taken much more notice of than he is, being about the only broad picture economist-philosopher not specialised in land and urban economics, who has "got it"). If California and the other basket case "Big Statist" States get propped up for too long by the Federal government, I fully expect to see a new secession movement get underway on the part of the "still free" States.
Where are the Farmers?
Phil
Thanks for pointing out my error in reading. It was you who said:
'I agree that an overnight, nationwide deregulation of urban zoning would bring about a serious economic crash in its own right. But I think that the solution needs to be enacted gradually, jurisdiction by jurisdiction, starting with small jurisdictions where incumbency is low. The ability of people to "escape" planned housing unaffordability needs to be facilitated rather than obstructed as it has been.'
Not Hugh.
The point about farmers is well made. You might be interested in this piece on the audacity site called "Planning Gain is a loss" - www.audacity.org/IA-01-01-10.htm
Have you got a copy of:
McCarrey Committee on the Taxation of Unimproved Land and on Land Prices, Land Taxation and Land Prices in Western Australia, Part 1, Perth, Government Printer, 1968
Seems as if Western Australia had the discussion you want 40 years ago.
If only there were a movement of farmers left out of the planning system attempting to sell to house builders. It would be popular and disruptive to the planning system.
Sadly there is not.
We'll have to disagree on politics. You imagine a gradual correction of the market to some situation you want to call "free". That freedom is limited, as I try to explain in the 50 point list above...
I'm trying to point out that Britain's financial system would collapse if housing could ever be built affordably on farmland that costs £5,000 a plot, or £100,000 for a hectare, which is 10 times agricultural value.
You realise that risk, and so argue for a gradual process of controlled deflation. I think that is impossible. The moment farmers on any regional geographic scale are free to sell their land, the bottom will fall out of the houisng market, the Council of Mortgage Lenders would lose their security, and The City would panic.
There can't be any regional succession from the nationalised planning system as you imagine. Wales and Scotland were given devolution, but neither administration has ever argued to make themselves into an "enterprise zone" where the freedom to build operated. Margaret Thatcher never expanded the "enterprise zone" beyond a local initiative. The idea of NON-PLAN once advocated in 1969 by Paul Barker and his friend Peter Hall inspired the "enterprise zone" idea, but no "free market" zealot in Britain has ever wanted it to be a nation wide state of affairs.
In Britain there were a whole range of reports from Policy Exchange and the Adam Smith Institute before 2007, arguing for a "free market" and against the planning system. They all retreated in the face of their own argument to a position where they could not accept the universal freedom to build that had operated before 1947. They all wanted some other deflating mechanism put in place, as you do.
Also I guess that the effort to manage a gradual deflation would require a planning bureaucracy of its own. Hugh seems to be making a bid for the consultancy work that would be involved in setting and monitoring local planning performance criteria.
It is an odd thing when "free market" advocates cannot stomach the legal freedom to build that used to be the definition of Freehold land ownership.
You quote Ayn Rand, but she would have had nothing to do with your gradualism.
Capitalism is not what it was.
...and it was never as heroic as Ayn Rand imagined it to be. The Reds and Blacks are a figment of your imagination too. Politics is now about shades of reformist green. You really have to get over the Left-Right paradigm of the past.
It would be heroic if you got the funds together for a New Geography meeting in 2010.
Ian Abley
www.audacity.org
Ian, This has been a
Ian,
This has been a fascinating discussion. I think there are very few people that either of us could hold such a discussion with, who would understand each other and agree on so much. I think I agree with you on the old Left/Right divide being redundant.
I understand what you are referring to regarding the farmers, and agree that it is a pity that they are not currently advocating for reform.
I would have liked to have stood in the trenches with the Ayn Randists and the U.S. Constitutionalists to STOP these situations developing in the first place. Once they have developed, though, nothing is less constructive than insisting on revolution and nothing else. But I do think the revolutionaries are going to have their day anyway after a long enough perseverance with the status quo brings about Ludwig Von Mises "full and final crash". I see what I am advocating, as the only solution that avoids large scale calamity.
I agree that Capitalism never was heroic; the US founding fathers understood this and devised probably the best possible constitution given human nature.
I do not see allowing squatter settlements and shantytowns as "the solution", but have nothing against these being allowed, along with freedom for people like Hugh to sell people like me a $120,000 house on a $30,000 section. I regard the kind of housing choices open to people who live in Texas, and the ease of both financing and becoming freehold, as representative of the inseparability of "freedom" and TRUE "free markets".
Have you read "Scratching By: How Government Creates Poverty as we Know it", by Charles Johnson? You and I would probably both agree with what Charles Johnson says.
By the way, you have no idea how heroic it would be for me to get funds together to even get to a meeting overseas. I am advocating all this because I know what it is like to be poor through misfortune outside my own control, and to be hindered rather than helped, by big, impersonal, stifling government.
Getting in deep, Ian.
Ian, you address Hugh there with a response to one of my points. I am unsure if my views and Hugh's are interchangeable although we obviously agree on most of what gets raised here. But I get into the political ideology side of things, and he very much refuses to do so.
I am finding this discussion interesting.
I think that the situation you describe, where workers are somehow paid less than the value of their work, due to the power of capital holders over them, is in one sense an anachronism. Joseph Schumpeter in "Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy" describes very well the increasing disparity between this Marxist theory and reality, as full employment is reached in a developing economy.
I do not think that people in modern first world economies are still paid "less than the value of their work", other than in comparatively small degrees and isolated instances, as the result of State and Trade Union interference in free markets. You yourself say, 100% accurately, that the period prior to your infamous 1947 Act, was one in which home ownership was a practically attainable goal for the most, even low income earners. It still was a practically attainable goal in Australia, NZ, and the USA, until the same urban planning mania seized hold there too. It still is a practically attainable goal in the "non progressive" States of the USA. This is all watertight evidence, to my mind, that true free markets do not at all conform to the Marxist myth of exploitation of the proletariat.
The things that you blame "Capitalism" for, I blame Statism and Socialism. But you are right that the labels are pointless. The problem we are discussing is State interference in free markets, whether the State has been captured by a "Big Business" conspiracy or by a leftwing "Long March through the institutions". I incline to the latter. I do not believe for a moment that political power after the sort of crash that is being engineered, will fall into the hands of anyone other than outright leftwing rabble rousers. The onetime big business manipulators will be either deep in hiding or dead. Lenin had it exactly right, that these people would sell you the rope you use to hang them.
Plenty has been written about Gramscian Marxism. The problem confronted by Marxists attempting to radicalise the proletariat as economies in Christendom developed, was that the proletariat were too happy and optimistic for the future, given the rate at which they were progressing out of the pre-free-market conditions of the past. The intellectual Left therefore, have set themselves for decades, to deliberately undermine the benefits brought by the free market in tandem with Christian ethics, so as to create a disaffected proletariat. To this end, they have captured society's institutions, beginning with the universities, but including now to the greater extent, the teaching profession, journalism, law, social policy, and most government bureaucracies, including urban planning.
Most people following the Left's litanies are dupes. But at the core of all this are intellectuals like Marcuse and Foucault and Derrida and their inheritors, who KNOW what their work is dedicated to. You are concerned, like me, at the grip that lies about the environment have on the public, lies that have been completely debunked over and over again by people like Julian Simon, Bjorn Lomborg, Indur Goklany, George Reisman, Steven F. Hayward, and Patrick Moore. I am entirely accustomed to these people being condemned by Leftwing activists, as "stooges of big business". I think you see Greenpeace as the stooges of big business, and in a sense I agree with you. But I see the Left as the drivers of all this, and the moneyed funders of the likes of Greenpeace and all the other society-weakening grievance industries, as the suckers. (I think you see the moneyed funders as the main drivers and the lefty activists as the suckers). You see these lies as initiated by big business for their own advantage. Yet I see them as maintained only by the Left's grip on the education and media institutions.
Environmentalism is just one facet of all this. I mention grievance industries and bureaucracies. Almost ALL the various bureaucracies follow litanies, mostly derived from the grievance industries themselves, that are every bit as false in their derivation as the environmentalist litanies are.
I think the consistent political solution to all this, is small government libertarianism - in fact, the USA as its founders intended is about the best we can do. Texas is probably the closest to it today, and happens to be the easiest place in the world where anyone can get themselves housed and mortgage free. I find the antagonism to this suggestion, from leftists who are intelligent enough to break out of the litanies and admit the real problems, inexplicable; and am left wondering whether functioning and obviously beneficial free markets are in fact their worst fear rather than the evil manipulated markets.
I strongly recommend THIS open letter by Silicon Valley entrepreneur T. J Rodgers, arguing that California has now destroyed the conditions under which Silicon Valley was able to begin, especially cheap land and cheap small business premises, provided by developers meeting a demand.
http://www.fcpp.org/images/publications/Cyprus%20letter.pdf
It is not just a case of the proletariat being squashed into a situation in which they can be exploited. One of the major contributing factors to first world economies being "priced out of the world market" and hence wages being squeezed in tandem with business profits, is our mania for urban limits. Farming and agriculture are the only part of our economies that are favoured with land at at fair price. This makes no sense given the dollar profit return and wages paid, per unit of land utilised in comparison to the rest of the economy.
Most economic growth and employment comes from newly started businesses. Driving up the cost of commercial land affects all these potential new startups adversely. I see this too, as a deliberate undermining of Western economies. It is not just "the proletariat" who are being squeezed, but everyone who is in business and struggling, especially those who just got started. I do agree that there are "rentier" interests particularly connected with the ownership of land, who wish to see the status quo maintained, but I disagree completely that all businessmen and employers are "exploiters"; most of them are every bit as much an assaulted target of all this as "the proletariat" themselves are.
I think Henry George said, but I agree with it whoever said it, that it is a tragedy that Trade Unions have inherently been antagonistic to those who provide employment to their workers, when in fact they BOTH sink or swim together and have a common enemy in the "rentier" class. By the way, I heartily agree with taxes being raised on land (low rates would actually raise a lot of revenue) and income taxes being kept minimal.
Sorry this is disjointed, but I think we understand each other quite well. What I am seeing more and more, is that we need a compact between the "pure" free market Right, and the honest proletariat-representing Left, by which I do NOT mean property-seizing and violent revolutionaries and anarchists. When I say I would speak in support of "illegal settlements", I mean ones in which a farmer has willingly sold his land, whether knowingly or unknowingly regarding its intended use. I do not see farmers as legitimate targets of class warfare; again, I think free markets in land and removal of protectionism and subsidies, would solve most of the "problems" for which farmers are blamed today. Rivers polluted with farm run-off, for example, would be in far better health if the surrounding area was freely urbanised.
When you say (I said this, not Hugh)
"....I find it funny Hugh that you argue for a "free market", and yet want that market regulated, because you fear the consequences. You say:
'I agree that an overnight, nationwide deregulation of urban zoning would bring about a serious economic crash in its own right. But I think that the solution needs to be enacted gradually, jurisdiction by jurisdiction, starting with small jurisdictions where incumbency is low. The ability of people to "escape" planned housing unaffordability needs to be facilitated rather than obstructed as it has been.'......"
I do not want a crash, for which "deregulation" would be blamed. I want a managed RETURN to a free market situation. I think my suggestions to this end are constructive.
I do not think your explanation for Britain's predicament as some mid-twentieth century manipulation to the end of quick money being made on development; is adequate to explain the recent international phenomenon of urban-limit-caused home unaffordability as analysed by the likes of Hugh Pavletich, Wendell Cox, Randall O'Toole, Alan Moran, Oliver Hartwich, etc.
Keep the focus on structural issues and solutions guys
Ian and Phil - thank you both for your most welcome comments.
You need to appreciate that my independent and self funded approach to these issues, is simply to get a political job done here in New Zealand and Australia. The "political job" is to change the language with respect to urban markets from "bubble talk' to reasoonable and clearly understood performance measures.
Thats why I initiated the Demographia International Housing Affordability Survey ( www.demographia.com ) as a first step back in late 2004 - and with the valued assistance of Wendell Cox we have generated five annual editions to date. The 6th Annual Editiondue out late January 2010.
Within my March 2008 paper "Getting performance urban planning in place", I walk through the whole issue, illustrating why we need to get sound performance thinking inculcated in to the local government culture - somehow.
There is no one right way.
I couldnt care less how this is done - as one must respect local cultures and traditions.
The focus must be on structural issues and solutions.
What advocates such as myself would really appreciate, is academic and other researchers focusing their energies on the real problems of local governments current inability to cope with growth.
Professor Watkin's article today in New Geography on Californias woes, is a very helpful contribution in this regard.
Hugh Pavletich
Performance Urban Planning
www.PerformanceUrbanPlanning.org
Christchurch
New Zealand
Sleeves rolled up
Dear Hugh and Phil
You need not worry about group think Hugh. We disagree on what we understand freedom to mean. That is the importance of politics.
You need not worry about campaigning "undercover" Phil. audacity has never worked except in public, and in person. We've got no time for anonymity. So if developers are willing to fund Joel Kotkin and Ed Glaeser in an international event next year we'll be happy to come and argue with you.
It is a "free market" morality you preach:
'Becoming a property owner was only ever, and should be, a matter of eminently achievable hard work and thrift.'
My dead grandma told my dad when he was young that he would never get rich by rolling his own sleeves up, but that he would be starving if he didn't.
That's the freedom of capitalism for most people. The freedom to work or to starve. The freedom of capitalism for a few people is to have the capital to offer work, and pay less than the value those employees create, without which there is no profit.
On the matter of getting a house, the employer generally leaves that to the individual. Up to 1946 in Britain a hard worker could buy a plot of land and build as good a home with as little borrowing as they could manage. After 1947 that meagre freedom was made illegal as planning contained the freedom of farmers to sell plots for development. Such hard work born of necessity remains illegal. Meaning that the government effectively forces working people to borrow far more than they need for a home on the market so that those with the capital to enter the planning system negotiation over "planning gain" can employ construction workers to roll up their sleeves.
In Britain the capitalist freedom of freehold land ownnership was denied to the majority in the decades when working people were increasingly able to break free of the landlord and the mortgage lender. British capitalism had to invent planning as the denial of development rights, in clear and multi-party opposition to the "leftwing" alternative reform of the nationalisation of land, to contain the workforce.
We are not going to agree over the freedoms of capitalism. But we do agree that people should have the freedom to build cheaply on cheap land. The difference between us is that you don't seem to have worked out that such a freedom would be painful for capitalism to extend (returning to the pre-1947 freedom of land ownership in Britain) because it would collapse the financial system making additional profit not from construction, but from developable land price inflation.
Your capitalist "work ethic" is a myth, but if a thin morality leads you to argue for the universal freedom to build against planners who are supported by governments denying the workforce, then that's useful. The old distinctions of left and right have no purchase today and they had become exhausted 20 years ago.
So will you support Joel and Ed to organise an event that you can attend?
I find it funny Hugh that you argue for a "free market", and yet want that market regulated, because you fear the consequences. You say:
'I agree that an overnight, nationwide deregulation of urban zoning would bring about a serious economic crash in its own right. But I think that the solution needs to be enacted gradually, jurisdiction by jurisdiction, starting with small jurisdictions where incumbency is low. The ability of people to "escape" planned housing unaffordability needs to be facilitated rather than obstructed as it has been.'
The unaffordability is not a conspiracy. It is a predicament. It is the twenty-first century consequence of a political containment in the middle of the twentieth century, when British capitalists expected to make more money out of construction and development than mortgage lending.
... and don't worry Hugh. I'm going to post your arguments for free on audacity when I have time between the pleasures of home life and the necessity of rolling my sleeves up.
Hope you are having a happy holiday.
Ian Abley
www.audacity.org
Nicomaco I agree with much
Nicomaco
I agree with much of what the author writes but found this article convoluted. The author sets out to say "there is no free market solution" for affordable housing then proceeds to say a market for home construction on the urban edge must be created, thus, totally self-refuting to his title and argument. Sure, housing can't be created without laws to protect it. But what is a market for new construction on the urban fringe but a "free market?" The article needs to be totally revised to be comprehensible and coherent.
I am not familiar with the housing situation in Great Britain. But in California we have "inclusionary housing" programs to integrate low cost housing in market-rate housing projects because of the alleged unaffordability problem. But there is no affordability problem other than that manufactured by government myth making. In many communities there is plenty of affordable single family housing. Real affordable housing means old, obsolescent, far from shopping centers and transit hubs. That's what makes it "affordable." But the twisted definition of "affordable housing" by government is new, state of the art, green, with amenities such as pools, spas, and gyms, and located adjacent to transit centers on prime commercial land. Such affordable "inclusionary housing" is paid for by inflating the prices and rents of the market-rate units and depreciating the land about 33%. I wouldn't be surprised to find much of the same sort of situation in Great Britain where politicians buy votes from mythical "affordable housing"
Ian Cocovic
Response to Ian. Thank you
Response to Ian.
Thank you for the considered reply.
I believe you are correct in what you say about the entrenchment of this problem. If a movement gets going along the lines you are advocating, I would speak out strongly in defense of it. I think it would be even better all round if some maverick developers (Hugh?) and capital equipment providers were in there undercover helping you.
But I believe that getting the younger generation properly informed on this issue is a vital first step. I fear that our societies are progressing towards a dangerous situation where the young are locked out of participation in what was for previous generations, a much more fair and just social arrangement; and the young are not even remotely aware of the whys and wherefores. In fact they are the main supporters of the Green mania that is the foremost problem.
I realise the situation has been much worse in Britain for much longer. But in New Zealand and Australia and many other countries where land is much more plentiful, the same thing has occurred; intergenerational wealth transfer (thanks, Robert Bruegmann) through de facto land supply racketeering. Becoming a property owner was only ever, and should be, a matter of eminently achievable hard work and thrift. Have you read Bob Day's essay on the aspect of the sustainability of a society where the young are no longer able to enjoy the same benefits regarding affordable housing, as their parents did?
http://erudito.livejournal.com/710656.html
And I quote, as this is the kernel of where I am coming from in my argument:
".......As the great British historian Paul Johnson says:
“The connection between political liberty and the individual ownership of property is one of the great certitudes of human society. It is carved in granite where the words “freedom” and “freehold” come from the same root and have interrelated with each other through many centuries.”
What I would like to do here is:
1. Outline the historical connection between private property ownership and the development of western civilization.
2. Show that modern urban planning laws and their enforcers in the various planning bureaucracies, are destroying this central institution in key jurisdictions in Western society.
3. Trace the evolution of these laws and planning bureaucracies to demonstrate their origins in socialist theory and practice.
4. Establish a link between urban planning laws and the current financial turmoil gripping the world and
5. Show how individual home ownership - private property in its most basic form, still has the power to change the world.
In his famous speech in the House of Commons in 1763, William Pitt declared:
“The poorest man may in his cottage bid defiance to all the force of the Crown. His cottage may be frail; its roof may shake; the wind may blow through it; the storms may enter, the rain may enter—but the King of England cannot enter. All his forces dare not cross the threshold of the ruined tenement.”
Without property rights there can be no freedom.
The 19th Century British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli said that private property was to be defended, “with all vigour against the socialists.”
The Peruvian economist Hernando de Soto observed:
“Legal property gave the West the tools to produce surplus value over and above its physical assets. Whether anyone intended it or not, the legal property system became the staircase that took these nations from the ‘universe of assets’ in their natural state to the ‘universe of capital’ where assets can be viewed in their full productive potential.”
In other words, property rights, markets and prosperity go hand in hand.
It is impossible to exaggerate the importance of the ownership of freehold land to the progress of liberty throughout the English-speaking world........"
(END OF QUOTE).
I see a society BASED on "illegal construction" as one which cannot progress until a system of property rights comes into being, as convincingly described by Hernando DeSoto in "The Mystery of Capital". But some illegal settlements in Britain today, I would regard as a useful temporary measure to demonstrate the extent to which the problem of the land racket has developed.
But ultimately, I see property developers and financiers operating in a free market, as part of the only real solution. I see Texas and the Southern and Inland US States that have not yet succumbed to "Smart Growth", as working models of the solution. It is my firm belief that under such free markets, the "little man" is empowered to receive the maximum help at minimum cost from developers and financiers, and the power of "rentier" interests is minimised to nothing; leading to superior outcomes for the "little man", to those achievable under any other political system.
I believe that the problems of the little man's loss of power, have been progressively worsened by each leftwing government intervention to "solve" the previous problem THEY had already caused. (Boosting home ownership through further meddling, in banking and finance, rather than addressing the problem at its supply regulation source). The logical conclusion is of course, government nationalisation of land and financial institutions. Good luck to the little man under a rerun of that long since historically damned scenario.
As to the implementation of this solution given what you rightly point out as the entrenched situation with the equity of the entire financial system from the home owner upwards, I have a few ideas.
Firstly, I agree that an overnight, nationwide deregulation of urban zoning would bring about a serious economic crash in its own right. But I think that the solution needs to be enacted gradually, jurisdiction by jurisdiction, starting with small jurisdictions where incumbency is low. The ability of people to "escape" planned housing unaffordability needs to be facilitated rather than obstructed as it has been.
Owen McShane in New Zealand has written scathingly about the way limits have been imposed around small country towns, so that newbuild houses there have ceased to be an escape valve for people fleeing the unaffordable metropolitan areas. Such small towns need to be allowed to become the next high-growth, rapid-sprawling areas which over the years would develop as serious competition to existing established areas stifled by incumbency.
Next, I would say that political pressures are going to result in a relaxation of monetary policy inflation targets in the near future. I would say that a period of years of sustained high inflation would allow for incomes to catch up to property prices if property prices were "managed" through land reform at the same time.
But I am not optimistic about such solutions being put into practice anywhere anytime soon. I think we are going to have bigger and worse crashes with the causes remaining unacknowledged by our "elites", and concealed from the vast majority; and I think things will eventually be so bad that your illegal settlements (and/or mass "squatting") will become unstoppable. If the government is too weak to stop you from building anywhere you want to, one shudders to think what else they will have lost control of. They should have stuck to Defence and Law and Order in the first place.
Furthermore, free markets in
Furthermore, free markets in house construction, are all to the benefit of the potential buyer. The cheaper the land at the urban fringes, the cheaper the land in older established areas, even if it is more expensive than the fringe land due to location. I feel particularly strongly about the disappearance in many urban areas, of the cheap "shack"; simply because all the cheap shacks are now sitting on $500,000 sections not $50,000 sections, as a result of urban fringe sections being $300,000 instead of $30,000. The result is a shack worth $10,000 as a house, being sold for $510,000 instead of $60,000 - and at that, it still possessed advantages of location.
The Land Racket
Ian,
Your list of points above is possibly the best thing I have ever seen to succinctly describe the way urban limits affect the prices of all residential property. I would quote it extensively all over the internet if I had the time I wished I had to devote to this issue. You may have seen comments from me before.
I think you fingered the problem beautifully, in describing the Green ideology as a convenient excuse for a capital gains racket.
But I regard the Green ideology as just another new extension of the Gramscian-Fabian agenda to destroy capitalism. The fact that "capitalists" exploit it to their own temporary advantage is a bit like Lenin's comment that capitalists would sell the rope that would be used to hang them. "Capitalists" as you describe them are not necessarily supporters of "capitalism", especially as, say, Ayn Rand would define it. In fact, she was much more scathing than you could possibly be, about the "Statist Businessman".
I think you push the "not free" argument too far, and misjudge "free markets". It seems to me that what you are asking for, IS a free market in land supply, free of zoning constraints which are the very antithesis of a free market, not a component of it.
I also think you are far too pessimistic regarding the freedom of people to obtain land and homes under a true free market. Removal of the zoning restrictions would itself make land so cheap that anyone could buy it with a modicum of hard work and thrift. Look at the Demographia reports. Regions of the USA that have not been afflicted with restricted zoning, have sections for sale at well below 1 years average income.
This would become pretty much an international norm if people could, as you advocate, pay farmland prices for land to live on. Robert Shiller wrote THIS very interesting little analysis pointing this out:
http://www.gulf-times.com/site/topics/printArticle.asp?cu_no=2&item_no=2...
The point is that there is comparatively little variation internationally, in what farmland is potentially worth. The returns on farming investments are not going to be a lot different wherever the farmland is. And there is so much more farmland than there is even potential requirement for residential land, that it is impossible for price escalation for residential land to go back to anything like unaffordable levels.
Furthermore, free markets in house construction, are all to the benefit of the potential buyer. The cheaper the land at the urban fringes, the cheaper the land in older established areas, even if it is more expensive than the fringe land due to location. I feel particularly strongly about the disappearance in many urban areas, of the cheap "shack"; simply because all the cheap shacks are now sitting on $500,000 sections not $50,000 sections, as a result of urban fringe sections being $300,000 instead of $30,000. The result is a shack worth $10,000 as a house, being sold for $510,000 instead of $60,000 - and at that, it still possessed advantages of location.
The cheap shack as it used to exist (and still does in many parts of the USA) is a genuine free market outcome, and is a strong contributor to peoples ability to achieve financial independence early in life, even on low incomes. While I disagree with your terminology about whether people are "free" or not, I think you and I (and Hugh Pavletich) are arguing for exactly the same end results even if Hugh and I call it the free market and you call it something else.
What is in a name?
Phil
Thanks for the constructive criticism.
You are right. What is essential is the freedom to build on farmland.
You and Hugh call it the "free market". I wanted to show it was an essential but limited freedom within capitalism.
I was trying to point out that even with the freedom to build on farmland there is no certainty that people will have access to the finance they need to build.
I was also trying to explain why the British political economy cannot afford to allow the legal freedom to build on farmland. The City of London's mortgage security would collapse.
Perhaps people in Britain have little choice but to break the planning law and build on farmland illegally. That is done widely in the developing world of course, as Solly Angel well appreciates.
However there are two problems:
A - I see no radical political movement willing to break the planning law and build themselves a New Town. It was done brilliantly at Letchworth in the early 1900s, but then it was legal to build on farmland without the need for a planner's approval.
B - Government would confront the illegal New Town attempt with forced demolitions, cheered on by Britain's planners. The very planners who today cite Letchworth as the prototype New Town to emulate.
I hope that New Geography can respond to Ed Glaeser's idea for a wide constituency interested in re-establishing the freedom to build on farmland to work together. We could all meet at an international event in 2010. I would happily help organise that.
At audacity we hosted "All Planned Out" in May 2007. It looked at the denial of development rights in the 1947 Town and Country Planning Act. Then came the collapse and rapid revival of house price inflation.
Time for another event to look at ways to legally and illegally secure development rights, despite the catastrophic consequences to the housing finance systems of developed capitalist nations, and in full knowledge that governments will resist attepts at the freedom to build on farmland.
Is that what you want too?
Regards
Ian Abley
www.audacity.org
For solutions - focus on the real problem
I have responded to Ian Ableys article and this response is at www.interest.co.nz (search - Hugh Pavletich) and was published under the title "How rampant bureaucracies help pump up global housing bubbles". It was submitted to New Geography and Audacity under the title of "Housing Bubbles & Parkinsons Law". In the event my response is not published on NG and Audacity - readers may like to go to the www.interest.co.nz to read it.
Further to the comments within my initial response - I trust readers find these added comments of interest as well.
In 1991, following extensive public consultation, New Zealand repealed the failed prescriptive British style Town & Country Planning Act and replaced it with the enabling and environmental effects based Resource Management Act. In essense - the idea was that we were to be free to develop what we liked, where we liked, provided that we met reasoned and reasonable environmental standards.
This was 18 plus years ago - and still we have not got the RMA as its referred to bedded in - simply because the public bureaucracies have fought it tooth and nail since the Act was put in place. The policy focus now in New Zealand is very much to deal with this bureaucratic obstruction head on - and readers may like to go to my website to read Government Ministers key statements this year, to get a sense of the direction being taken. Read in particular the statements by the Ministers of Housing, Environment and Infrastructure.
Within policy circles in New Zealand, there is a widespread recognition that the public bureacracies are the core problem - and there was an excellent article in the NZ National Business Review early February this year, by Matthew Hooten explaining the nature of the problem and the intent of senior Ministers to deal with it.
The writer with 30 years experience as a commercial development practitioner and former industry leader, having been at the coalface so to speak, has seen all the games being played over the past few decades.
Its showdown time now.
The reality is that public bureacracies wield enormous power - and simply engage in what we refer to as "sham consultation" to encourage and finance groups that assist the former to gain greater power and influence - and conversely - ignore or attack those who dont assist in this regard.
One only has to read the "sun rises in the west" research rubbish generated by too many public bureaucracies in the land use and climate fields. I am very much looking forward to seeing those in the climate fraternity hauled before the Courts and other Inquiry's over coming months. to give an account of themselves. This will be enormously helpful to those of us involved in urban land use issues as well. Both are very much inter related.
Generally speaking - Governments, Ministers and politicians come and go - while the powerful bureaucracies remain in place.
Without this "bureaucratic blessing", these anti progress groups - whether they be greens, community groups, protectionist business groups, whatever - whould in large measure be politically insignificant, as indeed they are in the polls. I have referred to these in the past as the "unholy alliance".
The reason why I initiated and teamed up with Wendell Cox some 5 years ago to generate the Annual Demographia Surveys - was to encourage greater public discussion of the basic and essential measures of urban housing performance. Bureaucrats of course detest "simplicity". They much prefer the confuse, conceal and control approach.
The reality is that the Annual Demographia Surveys (5 to date) have had substantial influence within Australia and New Zealand in particular - across political party lines. The reason for this is because we have focused on the real structural issues and not made the error of judgement in thinking that this is some sort of ideological issue.
Where the academic community could assist enormously is by following in the footsteps of C Northcote Parkinson and start researching the real nature and behaviour of public bureaucracies - and in particular - assist those of us actually making real political progress on these issues, with pragmatic and workable solutions.
Hugh Pavletich FDIA
Performance Urban Planning
www.PerformanceUrbanPlanning.org
Christchurch
New Zealand
earthship biotecture
"THE DANGERS OF ALLOWING THE PURSUIT OF SOMEWHAT IMPERFECT SUSTAINABLE CARBON ZERO HOUSING AS A LEARNING EXPERIENCE IN CERTAIN 'POCKETS OF FREEDOM' THROUGHOUT THE LANDS ARE NOT NEARLY AS GREAT AS THE DANGER OF NOT PURSUING IT AT ALL."
- Michael Reynolds
Earthship Biotecture
www.earthship.com
biotecture@earthship.com
Michael - fun aesthetic but you need to be precise on "freedom"
Michael
I don't agree with your scaremongering that humanity has only months to live on the planet.
You have been fearing this since the 1970s.
But hey... there are other things to be busy with:
I think you are confusing the permission required to build on land with the technical permissions required to make sure people don't get electrocuted, or their homes fall down. In Britain planning controls which land can be developed, and is the "containment" that Solly refers to. Building Regulations have historically controlled for fire risks since the Great Fire of London, but are today starting to propose energy performances down to between 46 and 39 KWh/m2/year for what government says are "zero carbon" homes (though that is still something of a mystery)
$200/ft2 or $2,150/m2 is your rough budget for Earthship construction. That equates to £1,320/m2 at the moment. Residential construction costs in Britain range from around £800/m2 to £1,200/m2 usually, but with some architects people can be paying £1,500/m2. As you say, '... these prices reflect the fact that you are building your utility systems as well as your shelter. Conventional housing provides only shelter and you pay monthly for your utilities.'
You build using by-products, and have done since 1972 it seems. The sort of Garbage Housing that Martin Pawley looked at in his book of the same name in 1975. In that, by coincidence I'm sure, is the recycled materials "Reynolds House". No relation. This home looks conventional, which Martin didn't like, while you are far more Bruce Goff, which is fun.
I'm sure if people in Britain were free to build (through planning) then some would like your aesthetic. But in an industrial democracy we have access to proper materials and don't need to rely on secondary use or labour intensive construction.
Container architecture, like that from Adam Kalkin, is another sort of secondary use architecture. Less crafted than yours. There is a choice to be made in wanting to lavish labour on parts of a home. The British love of brickwork has a lot to do with people wanting craftsmanship in their home. With bricks that is a low maintenance expression of craft. I'm not really interested in high maintenance housing systems, but a choice between long and short life has a place too, as John Habraken always appreciated. It is also strange that your sort of free-form spatial arrangements are now far easier to draw and make using computers. That's architecture...
While your architecture is at the high end of construction costs, the issue I'm trying to look at in the correspondence with Demographia is land inflation... and whether it is possible to tackle that without collapsing the mortgage finance system.
You are having fun in Copenhagen. If you ever come through London please email me through the website. We could have a chat.
Did you know Martin Pawley?
He understood the difference between land use planning and building control of construction.
The freedom to build on your own land is different to the freedom to build just anything you like regardless of the technical or organisational consequences. Having the freedom to build in no way ensures you have the capital to build. Your latest YouTube video seems to confuse these differences.
Personally, as an architect, I would love to see an illicit new town of Earthships, because in trying that you will break the planning law we suffer from, and show that the obstacle to people getting comfortable and spacious housing is neither technical nor organisational.
Ian Abley
www.audacity.org
There is no "Free Market Housing Solution"
Nicomaco
I agree with much of what the author writes but found this article convoluted. The author sets out to say "there is no free market solution" for affordable housing then proceeds to say a market for home construction on the urban edge must be created, thus, totally self-refuting to his title and argument. Sure, housing can't be created without laws to protect it. But what is a market for new construction on the urban fringe but a "free market?" The article needs to be totally revised to be comprehensible and coherent.
I am not familiar with the housing situation in Great Britain. But in California we have "inclusionary housing" programs to integrate low cost housing in market-rate housing projects because of the alleged unaffordability problem. But there is no affordability problem other than that manufactured by government myth making. In many communities there is plenty of affordable single family housing. Real affordable housing means old, obsolescent, far from shopping centers and transit hubs. That's what makes it "affordable." But the twisted definition of "affordable housing" by government is new, state of the art, green, with amenities such as pools, spas, and gyms, and located adjacent to transit centers on prime commercial land. Such affordable "inclusionary housing" is paid for by inflating the prices and rents of the market-rate units and depreciating the land about 33%. I wouldn't be surprised to find much of the same sort of situation in Great Britain where politicians buy votes from mythical "affordable housing"
I'll try for some precision instead
Nicomaco
Sorry if I have confused. Perhaps I should be more precise about concepts of freedom.
1 - I am concerned to look at capitalism.
2 - In theory everyone is free under capitalism to accumulate capital
3 - In practice there are those who accumulate capital only by employing the majority who are free to sell their labour
4 - People are mostly employees, not capitalists – they are not free in a political sense (A)
5 - It takes capital to build a house, but a house is not productive capital like a factory
6 - Most people never have that sort of capital themselves – they are not free in an economic sense (B)
7 - Finance capital has developed ways to allow people to buy a home (on a mortgage for example) making a percentage in the process
8 - People attempt to borrow the cost of constructing the home, plus the cost of the land
9 - If they cannot organise the construction and land themselves, they must also borrow to pay for developer profits
10 - Farmland is invariably cheaper than the centre of cities – land is a positional good
11 - Where cheap farmland is available on the peripheries of cities the major cost is the cost of construction
12 - Planning makes farmland unavailable through the denial of development rights
13 - People must buy land alongside developers from within the planning system – they are not free to ignore the law (C)
14 - Land values are inflated within the planning process above any value as a simple positional good
15 - Developers can raise the finance to pay for planning inflated land values in ways most people cannot
16 - People increasingly cannot afford the price developers will pay for land – they are not free to build (D)
17 - This inflated cost can be turned into a larger burden of household debt through the mortgage system
18 - People have to live somewhere – they are not free to avoid indebtedness (E)
19 - The existing housing market inflates within the containment of the planning system
20 - Existing homes on planning approved land are valued higher than the cost of building new construction
21 - Developers make more profits from planning gain than they could make as a percentage on the cost of construction
22 - Planning gain is recognised by developers, planners, and land owners who have land that will gain planning approval
23 - The negotiation over who shares in planning gain becomes institutionalised within the legal planning system
24 - People have no choice but to buy new homes at inflated prices and realise the planning gain through their debt
25 - The government sustains the legal planning system, and uses environmental arguments to do so
26 - The legal system of denying development rights to farmers sustains the inflationary process in the housing market
27 - The fund of finance capital lent across the population requires house price inflation to remain secure
28 - To avoid indebtedness (E) the price of housing should relate to average household incomes (Demographia)
29 - If people were free to build on farmland (D) they could easily do so in affordable ways
30 - One way to do this is to break the planning law (C) which widely happens in the developing world
31 - However they would find it near impossible to borrow finance to break the law, and so would not be free (B)
32 - Government is not about to loosen the planning system and threaten the security of the finance system
33 - People remain unfree – as employees (A)
34 - Employers face few effective political demands for higher wages to make housing affordable
35 - More household income is spent on inflated house prices
36 - Households have found ways over the years to withdraw equity from the inflated values of their homes
37 - People also know that as employees they must retire from work, and paying off a mortgage is attractive
38 - Once paid off the home is a retirement fund
39 - For many people too, when mortgage rates are kept low, housing equity can be acquired by trading up
40 - Mortgage lenders have enjoyed their fund of finance capital being expanded in that process
41 - The popular trade in the stock of housing has turned into a housing bubble
42 - Those bubbles can burst
43 - Governments have found ways to avoid the bursting of bubbles being too prolonged or severe
44 - Quantative Easing to stabilise the finance system with its fund of mortgage lending was politically accepted
45 - The price of Quantative Easing in future will be cuts and taxes
46 - Taxing housing equity gains – misnamed a “Capital Gains Tax” – may interest governments in future
47 - Households will be squeezed in their equity in the name of avoiding housing bubbles
48 - Planning gain sustained through containment and tax squeezed from inflated equity is essential to government – the financial sector would collapse without the inflationary planning system
49 - If people were legally free to build on farmland (C) they would still not be economically free to build (B)
50 - Even if finance were available people would not be politically free (A)
I like that you want to free people legally (C). You also expect that people will be free economically (B)
I’m just making the point that the “free market” is the freedom of capitalists to make capital. Today that means accumulating finance capital from the denial of the legal freedom on any land. (C)
Your meaning of a “free market” is a technical one concerned with affordability and demographics.
That’s fine – so long as we can agree that is what you are interested in.
Sorry if that seems confusing. I was aiming at precision.
I wanted to attempt an explanation of why this is all encouraged, and popular, at various levels of society.
I would be pleased to get some legal freedoms to build to meet demographic demand. (C) I’m simply saying that to do that we have to confront the political and economic interests that have found their twenty-first century ideological self-justification in environmentalism.
Regards
Ian Abley
www.audacity.org
Abley's point is even truer in the case of developing countries
Ian: I find your approach both refreshing and convincing. I refer you to the more recent writings of William Fischel on the interests of homeowners in protecting the high values of their houses and resisting any policies that would undermine them. In fact, the historical adoption of zoning laws in the US was, as we know, in the name of the health and safety of the community. These have now been co-opted to protect home values, which really have nothing to do with their original intent. I agree with you that house price inflation only hurts those first-home buyers or renters looking for an affordable home, but helps those who already own their houses. It is in their interest to keep home values high, and it is clearly in the interest of financial institutions to keep home values high as security for their capital. There is an interesting inter-generational issue here too: the kids can no longer afford a place near their parents. However, when I ask people whether they care, it turns out that the parents don't really expect their kids to leave nearby, and that the kids look to inherit an expensive asset. As long as there are only a few kids, maybe one or two, this probably makes sense. In societies that have shrinking populations, the inter-generational issue is probably mute. It is worrisome in places where there are more kids, where a third or a fourth of an inheritance, after taxes, won't buy three or four apartments anywhere.
One of my own worries is that the environmental ‘anti-sprawl’ agenda is being exported to developing countries, where cities still need to expand several-fold in order to accommodate their projected populations. I am quoting from my forthcoming Working Paper (co-authored by Jason Parent, Daniel Civco and Alexander Blei) on the Lincoln Institute of Land Policy website:
"The justifications for urban containment and densification policies are ample and need not be repeated here. The anti-sprawl literature, from the popular to the academic, is vast and varied and we assume that the reader cannot help but be familiar with several of its representative examples. The conviction that these policies are the right strategies for our troubled times, that they are, in fact, strategies to ensure our very survival on the planet, is now widespread. Rigorous evidence that containment and compact city strategies indeed work and that their societal benefits exceed their negative side effects is rather meager, but that is almost beside the point: Political support for these measures is substantial and growing."
"The urban containment and compact city rhetoric is also spreading to cities in developing countries where its value may be more questionable. Could it be that urban containment policies are inappropriate for developing countries at the present time? Could it be that densities in developing-country cities, on the whole, are high enough? How different are they from densities in developed countries? Can authorities in developing-country cities ensure compliance with zoning and land use regulations designed to contain urban expansion? Would it not be more realistic to make room for expansion at the projected densities rather than trying to contain expansion and failing in the attempt? If so, how much land would be needed to accommodate the coming expansion given realistic projections of urban population growth and urban densities?"
Answers to these questions demand a rigorous empirical investigation and they form the core of the Working Paper, titled “the Persistent Decline in Urban Densities: Global and Historical Evidence of Sprawl”.
Finally, I especially like your insight that late capitalism centers its energy and innovation in financial engineering, not in the production of real goods and services.
In short, you make an interesting and important case.
I am not familiar with the
I am not familiar with the housing situation in Great Britain. But in California we have "inclusionary housing" programs to integrate low cost housing in market-rate housing projects because of the alleged unaffordability problem. But there is no affordability problem other than that manufactured by government myth making. In many communities there is plenty of affordable single family housing. Real affordable housing means old, obsolescent, far from shopping centers and transit hubs. That's what makes it "affordable." But the twisted definition of "affordable housing" by government is new, state of the art, green, with amenities such as pools, spas, and gyms, and located adjacent to transit centers on prime commercial land. Such affordable "inclusionary housing" is paid for by inflating the prices and rents of the market-rate units and depreciating the land about 33%. I wouldn't be surprised to find much of the same sort of situation in Great Britain where politicians buy votes from mythical "affordable housing"